CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN SOMALIA DURING FARMAAJO PRESIDENCY

1.0 Abstract

The international community has made efforts to bring peace and stability back to Somalia in different approaches. “Through help of international community, the federal government of Somalia (FGS) was established in 2012 and this is now the internationally recognised government of Somalia. It replaced the transitional federal government (TFG) of Somalia with the adoption of the constitution of Somalia. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud served as the president of Somalia from 16 September 2012 to 16 February 2017. He was succeeded by Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo who has been the president to date even though his term expired on 8^th February 2020. During his presidency, the international community have played different roles in an effort to rebuild Somalia”. This paper looks critically at the role of international community in Somalia during Farmaajo presidency. It looks at the positive contribution of international community as well as the failures of international community in Somalia during Farmaajo presidency. Despite the huge contribution by international community in Somalia in recent years, the international community have failed miserably during the Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo presidency (2017 to 2022). The Farmaajo presidency have been characterised by disregard of the constitution, dictatorship, abuse of power, bad governance, endemic corruption and nepotism and increased Ethiopia interference in the internal affairs of Somalia. In 2017, president Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo was thought to be the saviour Somalia have been waiting for to stabilise the country. The culture of impunity has been growing under the Farmaajo presidency. The international community should be fully involved in stabilising Somalia to condemning violation of human rights by government officials, condemning the culture of impunity in Somalia, preventing, and condemning election frauds, helping in preventing widespread corruption within the Somali government, strengthening political stability, and taming global and regional interference in Somali internal affairs.

1.1 Introduction

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International community is “a broad collection of people and governments from all over the world, and it is used in geopolitics and international relations to refer to this broad group¹. It does not literally refer to all nations or states in the world². The phrase is often used to denote the establishment of a shared viewpoint on a variety of topics, such as particular human rights issues³. In some cases, it is used to call for action to be taken against an adversary, such as action against what they believe to be political persecution in a target country⁴. It is essential that the international community and governments contribute significantly to the capacity- building of governments, legislatures, media outlets, and civil society organizations in these countries. To achieve maximum effectiveness, efforts should be both concerted and coordinated⁵. Across the globe, international community have been playing a major role in stabilizing the countries where there has been protracted conflicts⁶.

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The international community bodies like “UN security council have the primary responsibility for international peace and security⁷. This has benefited and continues to assist nations which have experienced conflicts to gain stability. Some of countries which have benefited from international community include South Sudan, Nigeria, Oman, and Somalia⁸. In Somalia, conflicts have been ongoing since 1991. Since the collapse of the military regime, led by Gen. Siyad Bare, in 1991 by tribal rebel bands led by warlords and politicians, Somalia has been without a functioning state⁹. However, the personal interests, power, and economic ambitions of warlords prevented the rebel factions from forming a functioning administration to heal the

¹ Paik, Jin-Hyun; Lee, Seok-Woo and Tan, Kevin. “Asian Approaches to International Law and the Legacy of Colonialism: The Law of the Sea, Territorial Disputes and International Dispute Settlement”. Routledge. 2013. ² Veit, Alex. “Intervention as Indirect Rule: Civil War and Statebuilding in the Democratic Republic of Congo.” Campus Verlag. ISBN 978-3-593-39311-7 (2010)

³ Ibid

⁴ Ibid

⁵ Ibid

⁶ Ibid

⁷ Anderson, Letitia. “Politics by other means: when does sexual violence threaten international peace and security?” International Peacekeeping 17, no. 2 (2010): 244-260.

⁸ Karawita, Amali Kartika. “Piracy in Somalia: An Analysis of the Challenges Faced by the International Community.” Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 23, no. 2 (2019): 102-119.

⁹ Ayele, Fantahun. “Somalias turbulent path to peace and stability.” International Journal of Peace and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (2017): 47-54.

country from what they regarded to be social, economic, and political inequities perpetrated by the military regime¹⁰. Somalia's civil war has progressed through many periods, resulting in the deaths of thousands of Somalis, as well as the emigration of many others who sought peace and a better life in other nations¹¹. It has proven to be an arduous and uneven battle to reconcile and allocate authority and resources among Somalia's feuding clans, as well as between Mogadishu and Somalia's regions, or federal governments, in recent years¹². Al-Shabaab proved to be a formidable organization, often outperforming the corrupt government in terms of service delivery and income generation¹³.

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The international community has attempted to restore stability and peace to Somalia through a variety of measures. A pre-emptive UN military action in Somalia, for instance, was approved by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 1992¹⁴. In a similar vein, the African Union (AU), with the assistance of the international community, has launched fifteen peace efforts in Somalia in order to establish a functioning government¹⁵. Through help of international community, the federal government of Somalia (FGS) was established in 2012 and is the internationally recognised government of Somalia¹⁶. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud served as President of Somalia from 16 September 2012 to 16 February 2017, following the abolition of the transitional federal government (TFG)” of Somalia and the approval of the Somalia Constitution¹⁷. He was preceded by Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo who has been the president to date even though his term expired on 8^th February 2020¹⁸. During his presidency, the international community have played different roles in an effort to rebuild Somalia. This paper looks critically at the role of international community in Somalia during Farmaajo presidency. It looks at the positive contribution of international community and the failures of international community in Somalia during Farmaajo presidency.

¹⁰ Ibid

¹¹ Ibid

¹² The Atlantic. “What Happens in the Gulf Doesn’t Stay in the Gulf.” June 7 2018. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/06/somalia-gulf-crisis-vegas-rules/562292/

¹³ Ibid

¹⁴ Ahmed, Abdiwali Mohamed, and Aaron Mukhongo. “Factors Influencing the Political Stability in Somalia.” Elixir International Journal (2016): 42795-42804.

¹⁵ Ibid

¹⁶ Ibid

¹⁷ “Somalia: UN Envoy Says Inauguration of New Parliament in Somalia 'Historic Moment”. Forum on China- Africa Cooperation. 21 August 2012. Retrieved 24 August 2012

¹⁸ Ibid

1.2 Positive Contribution of International Community in Somalia During Farmaajo Presidency

The international community have played a significant role in partially stabilising Somalia and ending conflicts in major parts of the country. The international community have contributed positively to Somalia during Farmaajo presidency through the following roles.

1.2.1 Strengthening Support for Somalia's Plans for Stability and Development

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In 2018, Somalia profited from newfound international backing, both financially and politically, as the nation enacted essential initiatives to transcend years of violence and achieve a better future for the Somali people¹⁹. As part of its commitment to execute the political roadmap 2020, the transition plan for security, and economic reform, the federal government of Somalia has reached out to the whole Somali people in order to promote peace and discourse²⁰. The Somalia partnership forum, organized by the European Union in collaboration with the federal government of Somalia and Sweden, brought together international players in Brussels²¹. Over 60 delegations participated in the event and reached agreements on mutual pledges in crucial areas like as inclusive politics, peace and security, and economic recovery in Somalia”, among other things. The Somalia Partnership Forum was critical to the development of stronger partnerships with regional and international counterparts²².

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“The Somalia partnership forum made a number of firm commitments to promote inclusive politics in the country²³. They urged Somalia to adopt national laws and policies that defend women's and girls' human rights and provide them with opportunities to play a more active role in their communities. It has been very crucial for Somalia to take significant steps forward on the path to long-term peace and development²⁴. Sweden has remained a dedicated contributor and has increased its development assistance to Somalia to around $350 million, more than double its previous contribution. Furthermore, “over the period 2015-2018, the EU and its member states offered Somalia a €3.7 billion funds for development and peacekeeping” missions²⁵.

¹⁹ European Commission. “International community strengthens support for Somalia's plans for stability and development.” Press release 17 July 2018 Brussels. https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_18_4483

²⁰ Ibid

²¹ Ibid

²² Ibid

²³ Ibid

²⁴ Ibid

²⁵ Ibid

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Moreover, Somalia receives significant help from the European Union in a variety of areas, including security, where three Common Security and Defence Policy missions are now operating there: EUNAVOR ATALANTA, EUTM Somalia, and EUCAP Somalia²⁶. These missions and activities contribute significantly to Somalia's aspirations to transform itself into a peaceful, stable, and democratic country, as well as its efforts to gradually assume greater responsibility for its own national security²⁷. The European Union has continually backed the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), that has been in operation for ten years and has received €1.73 billion in funding from the EU. The EU is currently stepping up its security assistance to the country” while also shifting its focus to provide more direct assistance to Somali institutions²⁸.

1.2.2 Strengthening Political and Peacebuilding Affairs

The UNDPPA (the “Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs) was established with assistance from the United Nations, and it is in charge of coordinating the efforts of the UN system in Somalia, facilitating the good offices of the Secretary-General, and supporting political reconciliation and peacebuilding by engaging with the Federal Government of Somalia, its federal member states, civil society, as well as regional organizations and international partners²⁹. These efforts to bring about peace, reconciliation, and stability in Somalia are being led and coordinated by the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM), a Special Political Mission of the United Nations Development Programme (DPPA) that was established in the Somali capital of Mogadishu in June 2013³⁰. In a resolution adopted by the Security Council, the United Nations mission in Somalia was mandated to collaborate with the Federal Government of Somalia and federal member states to promote federal reconciliation, offer additional strategic and policy advice on various aspects of peacekeeping operations and state-building, monitor human rights, and assist in the coordination of international efforts³¹. Furthermore, UNSOM hoped to provide additional support to Somalia's federal and regional.

²⁶ Council of the European Union. “Operation ATALANTA, EUTM Somalia and EUCAP Somalia: mandates extended for two more years”. Press release. 23 December 2020.

https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2020/12/23/operation-atalanta-eutm-somalia-and- eucap-somalia-mandates-extended-for-two-more-years/

²⁷ Ibid

²⁸ Ibid

²⁹ UN. Political and Peacebuilding affairs. 2013. https://dppa.un.org/en/mission/unsom

³⁰ Ibid

³¹ Ibid

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leaders in their efforts to conduct one-person, one-vote elections scheduled for 2020, complete the federalism process, finalize a federal constitution, and galvanize economic recovery³².

1.2.3 Provision of Humanitarian and Development Aid Funding

Since 2017, the international community including EU, UK, US and even AU have been fundings various humanitarian projects through humanitarian and development aid funding³³. The humanitarian and development aid funding have assisted in strengthening government institutions, setting up and implementing development projects and supporting essential programs like education, health, and social protection programs³⁴. In addition, the aid fundings have been utilised in an effort to ensure food protection in the country³⁵. For decades, Somalia has been suffering from protracted conflict and extreme weather, including persistent droughts and floods³⁶. In 2020 against a background of extreme poverty, the country has also faced the worst desert locust infestation in 25 years³⁷. Somalia is also facing a major political crisis and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic³⁸. European Union humanitarian financing is assisting aid organizations in Somalia in providing life-saving support to the country's most vulnerable citizens. This includes those affected by conflict, drought, floods, and food shortages as well as epidemics³⁹.

1.3 Failures of International Community in Somalia During Farmaajo Presidency Despite the huge contribution by international community in Somalia in recent years, the international community have failed miserably during the Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo presidency (2017 to 2022). This is because:

1.3.1 Failure to Condemn Violation of Human Rights by President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo

The federal government of Somalia led by President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo launched a campaign of arrest, arbitrary detention, and abduction to repress and intimidate political activists, journalists, opposition leaders and civilians who are condemning the violation of

³² Ibid

³³ Horst, Cindy, and Anab Ibrahim Nur. “Governing mobility through humanitarianism in Somalia: Compromising protection for the sake of return.” Development and Change 47, no. 3 (2016): 542-562.

³⁴ Ibid

³⁵ Ibid

³⁶ Carruth, Lauren. “Camel milk, amoxicillin, and a prayer: medical pluralism and medical humanitarian aid in the Somali Region of Ethiopia.” Social Science & Medicine 120 (2014): 405-412.

³⁷ Ibid

³⁸ Ibid

³⁹ Ibid

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human rights by the government⁴⁰. For instance, in 2017, Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) has extradited a Somali citizen, a highly decorated military officer”, a war “hero who was wounded in the 1977 war against Ethiopia and an officer of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) to Ethiopia without any due process ⁴¹. In 2020, the President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo publicly linked journalists to terrorists without providing single evidence⁴². In addition, harassment, intimidation, and killings of Somali journalists by al-Shabab, the police and various government officials have been the order of the day. Moreover in 2021, national intelligence officer was killed because he “had apparently been poised to blow the whistle on the controversial deployment of Somali troops – perhaps thousands of them – for training in Eritrea since 2019⁴³. Furthermore, the federal government of Somalia led by President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo have also been incorporating Al- Shabaab into Governance⁴⁴.

In June 2021, “a young Somali government servant working for the National Intelligence and Security Agency, Ikran Tahlil Farah, disappeared after purportedly uncovering the truth behind the illegal deployment of Somali combatants to Eritrea. Forces loyal to Farmaajo and his then- intelligence head Fahad Yasin assassinated her to ensure” that she would not be heard from again⁴⁵. Farmaajo thereafter resisted, rejected, and attempted to obstruct any autonomous investigation that would implicate him or Yasin. In 2017, The government of Farmaajo imprisoned and then unlawfully deported Col. Abdikarim Sheikh Muse "Qalbi- dhagax" to Ethiopia without going through the proper channels⁴⁶. The case sparked widespread outrage across Somalia, but Farmaajo or his lieutenants are suspected of accepting bribes in order to get a favourable verdict in Ethiopia's favor⁴⁷. Despite various instances of human right violations by President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, the international community have not made any efforts to avert these violations.

⁴⁰ Abukar Arman. “Farmajo’s betrayal of the Somali people.” 25 Sep 2017. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2017/9/25/farmajos-betrayal-of-the-somali-people

⁴¹ Ibid

⁴² International Crisis Group Report. “Somalia’s Politicians Play with Fire – Again.” 14 September 2021. https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/somalia/somalias-politicians-play-fire-again

⁴³ Ibid

⁴⁴ Ibid

⁴⁵ American Enterprise Institute. “Why Somalia’s Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo should face treason charges”. January 3, 2022. https://www.aei.org/op-eds/why-somalias-mohamed-abdullahi-farmaajo-should-face-treason- charges/

⁴⁶ Ibid

⁴⁷ Ibid

1.3.2 Failure to Condemn Culture of Impunity in Somalia

Impunity is defined as the exemption from retribution or freedom from the harmful repercussions of a criminal offense⁴⁸. Over the years, impunity has become so deeply established in Somalia that it has come to be accepted as the standard⁴⁹. The Said Barre period (1969–1991) witnessed a slew of war crimes and other significant human rights violations committed by both local and foreign players, many of which have gone unsolved to this day⁵⁰. President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo has failed to uphold the constitution and has been accused of various violations of the human rights⁵¹. In December 2021, the president violeted the constitution when he chose to suspend him and strip him of his authority because Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble had been implicated in corruption⁵². This is because even though the Somali Constitution gives the president the power to appoint the prime minister⁵³, the power to dismiss or vote no confidence in the prime minister and his cabinet lies with parliament⁵⁴.

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The President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo have been linked to extra-judicial killings of journalists⁵⁵. Somalia continues to be one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists to work, with the possibility of detention without trial, assaults, intimidation, and even death from both government authorities and rebel factions⁵⁶. Moreover, there has been a rise in cases of abusive bosses, “unpaid work, forced labour, and violent attacks on union representatives that go unprosecuted. These are just a few of the grievances detailed in a Somali trade union's annual report, which calls on the country's president to actively combat the climate of impunity⁵⁷.

1.3.3 Failure to Prevent and Condemn Election Fraud

Election fraud, which is also referred to as election manipulation, is a form of illegal interference with the election process that can be accomplished by either increasing the vote

⁴⁸ Bassiouni, M. Cherif. “Combating impunity for international crimes.” U. Colo. l. rev. 71 (2000): 409.

⁴⁹ Ibid

⁵⁰ Hagmann, Tobias, and Mohammed Mealin Seid. “Ending Impunity: Fostering Redress and Accountability in Somalia.” In War and Peace in Somalia, pp. 71-80. Oxford University Press, 2018.

⁵¹ Aljazeera News Report. “Somalia’s president suspends prime minister amid election spat”. 27 Dec 2021 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/12/27/somalias-president-suspends-pm-amid-tensions-over-elections

⁵² Ibid

⁵³ Somali Constitution (2012). Article 90 (d)

⁵⁴ Somali Constitution (2012). Article 69 (e)

⁵⁵ African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX). “Culture of impunity in Somalia continues to grow Somalia.” 27 October 2020. https://ifex.org/culture-of-impunity-in-somalia-continues-growing/

⁵⁶ Ibid

⁵⁷ Ibid

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share of a preferred candidate or reducing the vote share of a competitor candidate, or by a combination of both⁵⁸. In June 2021, Somalia was scheduled to hold parliamentary and presidential elections, “but the process, which involves the indirect selection of candidates by elders from the country's clan-based social structure, has been widely criticized by Mohamed's opponents as being rigged and unfair⁵⁹. A group of candidates comprising of previous presidents boycotted the” poll. Prime Minister Roble criticized the president of obstructing the electoral process, when Farmaajo removed the prime minister's authority to conduct the polls and called for the creation of a new commission to fix the inadequacies⁶⁰. Furthermore, there are very serious concerns that Farmaajo will attempt to control the electoral process through coercion, corruption, or even blatant rigging in order to maintain his grip on power in the run- up to the election⁶¹. Farmaajo’s real problem with Roble appears to be that the prime minister would not allow Farmaajo to continue with widespread vote-buying and election rigging⁶².

1.3.4 Failure to help in Preventing Widespread Corruption

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Somalia is among the globe's most corrupt countries since the corrupt government officials condone unlawful activity in return for bribes⁶³. Dysfunctional institutions contribute to the creation of a lawless atmosphere, and the lack of any type of legal regime makes it more difficult to compete in the global marketplace⁶⁴. The practice of bribery is widespread across all industries, and procurement contracts are commonly corrupted as well⁶⁵. Somalia continues to be “an aid-dependent country, and its administration has lost cash in the form of supplemental and budgetary support from the European Union and the United States as a result of the widespread corruption in the country⁶⁶. The government has also misused the tax revenue collected from citizens, using it to bribe people and local tribal leaders to endorse Farmaajo while also funding troll farms and lobbyists to improve the government's public image⁶⁷. The president Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo administration have been responsible for the

⁵⁸ Alvarez, R. Michael, Thad E. Hall, and Susan D. Hyde, eds. “Election fraud: detecting and deterring electoral manipulation”. Brookings Institution Press, 2009.

⁵⁹ Guled Ahmed. “A rigged election in Somalia could open the door to civil war”. May 12, 2021.

https://www.mei.edu/publications/rigged-election-somalia-could-open-door-civil-war

⁶⁰ Ibid

⁶¹ Ibid

⁶² American Enterprise Institute. “Why Somalia’s Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo should face treason charges”. January 3, 2022. https://www.aei.org/op-eds/why-somalias-mohamed-abdullahi-farmaajo-should-face-treason- charges/

⁶³ Nor, Abdirashid Ismail. "Apexes Of Corruption In Somalia; Assessment, Causes, Effects And Options To Control." (2018).

⁶⁴ Ibid

⁶⁵ Ibid

⁶⁶ https://www.garoweonline.com/en/news/somalia/somalia-Farmaajo-admits-corruption-in-his-government

⁶⁷ Ibid

widespread of corruption in all sectors of the government. In 2018, the president admitted that there are cases of corruption in various sectors of his government.⁶⁸ In Mogadishu, despite promises from the prior administration to resolve the corruption issues, the embezzlement and misuse of public property continues. Economic stability in Puntland is being undermined by the production of counterfeit Somali currency, which has led to episodes of civil turmoil⁶⁹.

1.3.5 Failure to Strengthen Political Stability

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The international community has failed to strengthen political stability in Somalia. This could be attributed to “tensions between Somali Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble and President Mohammed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo in 2021 which burst into the open, nearly triggering another clash between rival branches of the federal forces, in scenes that echoed confrontations in Mogadishu⁷⁰. These tensions have been blocking the path to elections in 2022. International actors have failed to identify and name the spoilers and wield sanctions against those who keep pushing Somalia to the edge of conflict ⁷¹.

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Moreover, it was in 2021 that Somalia's nearly year-long constitutional crisis erupted into full- fledged conflict, as the country's president moved to suppress the nation's prime minister, by curtailing his powers⁷². Opponents of the president, Mohamed Abdullahi, claim that he is abusing his position to cling onto power much past the end of his mandate”, which ended about a year ago⁷³. Analysts have warned that a protracted political crisis distracts from the growing threat of al-Qaeda-affiliated al-Shabab, which controls most of southern Somalia’s rural areas and launches regular attacks on Somali cities and in neighbouring Kenya⁷⁴. The political standoff over a disputed election process veered into violence on the streets of Somalia’s capital⁷⁵.

⁶⁸ ReliefWeb. “Somalia’s Current Security and Stability Status”. Press Release, 16 Jul 2020. https://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/somalia-s-current-security-and-stability-status

⁶⁹ Ibid

⁷⁰ International Crisis Group Report. “Somalia’s Politicians Play with Fire – Again.” 14 September 2021. https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/somalia/somalias-politicians-play-fire-again

⁷¹ Ibid

⁷² Sakariye Cismaan and Max Bearak. “The Washington Post: Somalia’s election standoff intensifies, raising risk of political violence”. December 27, 2021. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/12/27/somalia-farmajo- roble-crisis/

⁷³ Ibid

⁷⁴ Ibid

⁷⁵ Ibid

1.3.6 Failure to Tame Arab Interference

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The United Arab Emirates have positively contributed to development of Somalia. Initiatives to assist Somalia's most susceptible remote communities accomplish “ food security and strengthen resilience to climate change have received a boost as a result of a new partnership between the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Qatar Fund for Development (QFFD), the state's public development institution⁷⁶. However, though United Arab Emirates have hugely contributed to development of Somalia, they have been accused of interference during the Farmaajo Presidency⁷⁷. In 2018, Following the confiscation of more than $9 million from an Emirati plane at Mogadishu's airport in April, the crisis” reached boiling point, with the government accusing Arab countries of interfering in the country's internal affairs⁷⁸. Though, the United Arab Emirates has refuted the charge, claiming that the funds were intended for Somali military whose salaries it has been paying for years⁷⁹. Another form of Arab interference was witnessed when “Gulf Arab minister had tried to bribe the president. Mogadishu has refused to side with the UAE, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia in a diplomatic offensive against Qatar, despite a large financial bribe⁸⁰. In the midst of the diplomatic crisis that has resulted in an all-out blockade of Qatar, Gulf minister sought to bribe the Somali president with $80 million in order for him to join the boycott of the country⁸¹.

1.3.7 Failed to help in Stabilising Regional Relations

Regional relation is the manifestation of a shared sense of identity and purpose linked with the creation and implementation of institutions that represent a particular identity and influence collective activity within a geographical region⁸². Regional relations between Somalia and neighbouring countries have been improving⁸³. For instance, Kenya and Somalia relations have advanced trade and investment⁸⁴. The counties in northern part of Kenya can easily obtain their

⁷⁶ FAO. “New partnership between FAO and the Qatar Fund for Development targets food insecurity in Somalia”. 2021. https://www.fao.org/emergencies/fao-in-action/stories/stories-detail/en/c/1457364/.

⁷⁷ Aljazeera News Report. “Somalia seizes $9.6m from UAE plane in Mogadishu”. 9 Apr 2018.

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/4/9/somalia-seizes-9-6m-from-uae-plane-in-mogadishu

⁷⁸ Ibid

⁷⁹ Ibid

⁸⁰ Diana Alghoul. “Somalia rejects secret $80m bribe to stand against Qatar in ongoing boycott”. 12 June, 2017.

https://english.alaraby.co.uk/news/revealed-somalia-rejects-secret-80m-qatar-blockade-bribe

⁸¹ Ibid

⁸² Fisher, Jonathan. "AMISOM and the Regional Construction of a Failed State in Somalia." African Affairs 118, no. 471 (2019): 285-306.

⁸³ Ibid

⁸⁴ KIPPRA. “Enhancing Diplomatic Ties through Peaceful Co-existence for Socio-Economic Gains between Kenya and Somalia”. 2021. https://kippra.or.ke/enhancing-diplomatic-ties-through-peaceful-co-existence-for- socio-economic-gains-between-kenya-and- somalia/#:~:text=Kenya%20and%20Somalia%20have%20opportunities,reducing%20the%20cost%20of%20tra nsportation.

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goods through the port of Kismayu compared to the port of Mombasa, thus reducing the cost of transportation⁸⁵. However, under Farmaajo presidency, the president has been trying to destabilise regional relations⁸⁶. For instance, in 2020 Somalia had stopped the importation of khat when international flights were suspended last year due to fear of the spread of Covid-19”. “But, when international air travels resumed, Khat importation from Kenya was still restricted and khat from Ethiopia, a slightly different variety, was allowed in the country⁸⁷.

1.4 Conclusions and Recommendations

Despite the huge contribution by international community in Somalia in recent years, the international community have failed miserably during the Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo presidency (2017 to 2022). The Farmaajo presidency has been characterised by disregard of the Constitution, dictatorship, abuse of power, bad governance, endemic corruption and nepotism and increased Ethiopia meddling in the internal affairs of Somalia. In 2017, President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo was thought to be the saviour Somalia have been waiting for to stabilise the country. However, the conflicts in Somalia have not ceased because impunity of prosecution of human rights, humanitarian laws violation and also Somali politicians benefiting from the conflict allowing them purchase property inside and outside country.

The culture of impunity has been growing under the Farmaajo presidency. His method of governance has been characterised by “abuse of power, use of violence, media clampdown, patronage, nepotism, branding opponents as agents of foreign countries. In addition, it is clear that the Federal Government of Somalia under Farmaajo presidency has failed to uphold its international obligations to safeguard human rights and has repeatedly acted to violate and curtail the fundamental rights of people in the country”. Somalia’s current human rights situation is worsening and violates what African charter on human and peoples' rights holds. This could be attributed to inadequate support from the international community. It is recommended that Somalia’s donors and international community should “not continue to release any budgetary support to the Farmaajo government in the run-up to the elections as the money may be used to rig it”.

⁸⁵ Ibid

⁸⁶ Eunniah Mbabazi. “Somalia Lifts Ban on Importation of Miraa from Kenya”. 2021.

https://kenyanwallstreet.com/somalia-lifts-ban-on-importation-of-miraa/

⁸⁷ Ibid

The international community should be fully involved in stabilising Somalia by condemning violation of human rights by government officials, condemning culture of impunity in Somalia, preventing and condemning election frauds, helping in preventing widespread corruption with the Somali government, strengthening political stability and taming global and regional interference of Somali’s internal affairs. Moreover, since Somalia did not sign ICC or Rome stature, there is need for UN security council resolution to come up with strategies to ensure Somalia sign them. This will enable the UNSC to establish ICC prosecutor for prosecuting the corrupt government officials and those who violate international laws and human rights in Somalia.

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Abdullahi M Hassan ( Abdullahi Yabarow)